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Dr. Zac Taylor's Research

by Prithvi Balehannina
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We met Dr. Zac Taylor, a climate finance researcher at TU Delft, on March 6th in De Fruitvis, Rotterdam for a round table conference with climate experts. Dr. Taylor’s research is focused on Urban Climate Finance, Integrated Climate Risk Governance, and Climate Gentrification.

Although Climate Finance has emerged as a priority for international policy discussions, it is dominated by large financial institutions whose primary goal is to extract profit and operate through opaque decision-making processes and limited geographical scope, leading to consequences like Climate Gentrification. By analyzing climate risk management practices in real estate-finance institutions, Dr. Taylor shows through his research how these practices can lead to housing displacement and community downgrading pressures in high-risk housing contexts.

Dr. Taylor's research also emphasizes the importance of place-specific approaches to managing and financing high-risk spatial development, and he argues for coalition-based urban governance approaches that explicitly address housing resilience, especially in areas like Miami, where the effects of climate change are particularly acute. Outside Research, he leads multiple on-the-ground initiatives like RED&BLUE - Real Estate Development and Building in Low Urban Environments - which is a program on integrated urban area investment and development to bring together scientists and real estate practitioners to co-develop an integrated climate governance strategy for the Dutch delta and beyond.

 
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Climate Finance and Risk Management
 
Climate finance refers to local, national or transnational financing—drawn from public, private and alternative sources of financing—that seeks to support mitigation and adaptation actions that will address climate change. Urban Climate Finance is gaining increasing attention from International Policy conversations around the globe. In fact, during COP26, the US Agency of International Development (USAID) set a target of mobilizing $150 billion from public and private sources by 2030 to substantially increase global climate finance flows to match projected needs.

Some popular, important topics in Urban Climate Finance and Risk Management include Innovative financing models for climate-resilient urban infrastructure, assessment of the effectiveness of green bonds, the role of public-private partnerships, assessment of the potential for carbon pricing to generate revenue for urban climate projects, Innovative Catastrophe Models to account for increasing climate risk, and evaluation of the effectiveness of climate insurance. Dr. Taylor’s research digs deeper into climate insurance, especially reinsurance and insurance linked securitization for real estate in regions prone to climate catastrophes and affected by climate change.

 
Dr. Taylor's Research on Climate Risk
 
Riskscapes
 
Dr. Taylor’s research analyzes a novel method for looking at risk with reference to geographical landscapes - ‘riskscapes’. The concept of riskscapes, blending 'risk' and 'landscape', highlights the ‘situated, uneven, and relational ways in which risk is understood and operationalized across different spatial and temporal contexts’. His research points towards four analytical ‘sites’ of riskscapes in the context of re/insurance research: calculation and marketisation across riskscapes; contending with inherited riskscapes; statecraft and the patterning of riskscapes; and accumulation through riskscapes.  
Accumulation of Risk through Riskscapes

The re/insurance industry is not a uniform entity, but is made up of many different firms that have unique value models and roles in the risk transfer value chain. This chain involves the transfer of risk from policyholders to insurers, reinsurers, and other capital market institutions, and is facilitated by intermediary institutions and operates across various riskscapes - across spatial and temporal relationships. For example, Dr. Taylor’s research (2020) demonstrates how a subset of primary insurers transfer risk from millions of residential property policyholders in Florida to over 150 reinsurance firms across 36 regulatory jurisdictions (From Bermuda to New York). Contracts with varying terms, ranging from one-year consumer policies to three-year reinsurance agreements, constitute this architecture temporally.


1.   Accumulation of Risk through Riskscapes
The re/insurance industry is not a uniform entity, but is made up of many different firms that have unique value models and roles in the risk transfer value chain. This chain involves the transfer of risk from policyholders to insurers, reinsurers, and other capital market institutions, and is facilitated by intermediary institutions and operates across various riskscapes - across spatial and temporal relationships. For example, Dr. Taylor’s research (2020) demonstrates how a subset of primary insurers transfer risk from millions of residential property policyholders in Florida to over 150 reinsurance firms across 36 regulatory jurisdictions (From Bermuda to New York). Contracts with varying terms, ranging from one-year consumer policies to three-year reinsurance agreements, constitute this architecture temporally.
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2. Statecraft and Patterning of Riskscapes

One aspect of riskscapes is the role of states in mediating complex re/insurance market dynamics. Scholars have shown that state interventions can either create or foreclose opportunities for marketization, and formal state interventions are not static, but rather change over time. For example, in Florida, lawmakers have implemented various public insurance institutions in an effort to stabilize the state's crisis-prone property insurance sector. This includes a consumer "insurer of last resort," a state-run hurricane reinsurer, and a public guarantor. The state regulator has also enacted market-shaping strategies to guide re/insurance market outcomes to meet evolving public policy outcomes.

3. Contending with inherited riskscapes
Miami is deemed one of the most hard to insure landscapes due to its extremely high climate risk. However, this has led to the industry experimenting with novel risk finance assets in this landscape. Dr. Taylor's research argues that the proliferation of insurance-linked securitization in Florida was dependent on a material geography of insured residential real estate, which was created through historical urbanization driven by a political economy/ecology of development and finance in ecologically fragile contexts. Insurance-linked securitization not only offers a new financial product for capital market investors but also provides a way to source the re/insurance risk capital necessary to sustain Florida's risky real estate business. 

4. Calculation and marketisation across riskscapes
The translation of abstract environmental uncertainties into probabilities of disasters and in turn the value of risk is a complicated process involving multiple dynamic models. This involves performative tools of actuarial calculation and marketisation (for example, catastrophe risk modeling). Actuarial science seeks to translate fluid uncertainties into ‘actionable futures’ and the proliferation of catastrophe risk models as actuarial tools in particular, have explored the various technical, epistemological, political and economic tensions associated with the construction of risk against uncertainty. Catastrophe Risk Models (Cat Models) often combine multiple disciplines - from engineering to finance - to produce quantitative values for risk. Dr. Taylor’s diagram below highlights a simplified cat model, which includes three ‘modules’ for organizing information about specific hazards (for example, Mumbai’s hurricane risk, Eastwick’s flood risk), exposures (for example, property, classified by elevation, property values, property types, etc) and underwriting variables (for example, rates, terms of coverage and other firm-level statistics). Cat models are used to simulate the impact of thousands of potential hazard scenarios on a collection of insured assets. The results of these simulations are then converted into a set of useful financial metrics, which insurers and reinsurers use to make a range of financial choices and negotiate market regulations, among other uses.
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Application of the principles of Riskscapes to Miami
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The exceptional frequency—8 hurricane landfalls—and severity of hurricanes over the 2004 and 2005 seasons in Miami prompted catastrophe risk modeling firms to account for a higher ‘new normal’ level of hurricane risk. Changes to the underlying model assumption about the riskiness of hurricane wind underwriting, as reflected in the new ‘Near Term’ (NT) event catalog, had significant consequences for how insurers sold policies, procured risk transfer through reinsurers, and made other key operational decisions. The NT catalog incorporated an increase in hurricane frequencies by 21% for Category 1 and 2 storms, and 36% for Category 3, 4 and 5 storms, relative to the existing Long-Term event catalog. This had important consequences for the appreciation of hurricane risk: residential rates increased by 15% between the end of 2005 and 2007.

Two market shifts driven by financial and political considerations ensued. First, changes to cat models bolstered capital market confidence that the state’s hurricane risk was being sufficiently valued, and could therefore be traded as an asset class, in the form of insurance-linked securities and other ‘alternative’ risk capital products. Second, state actors rebuked changes to models and to protect residential policyholders from rate increases. The passage of Florida House Bill 1A (HB1A) in 2007 limited consumer rate increases required by private insurers and required Citizens to cover homeowners denied private coverage. These interventions were aimed at insulating residential policyholders from rate increases and ensuring consumer access to an insurer of last resort, the state-run Citizens. The pressure placed on private insurers to compete with a public insurer that can undercut private market prices also made it impossible to remain in the private market at systematically fair prices, resulting in the cross-subsidization of risk across the market. This cross-subsidization was both spatially regressive and temporal, with inland and more modest-income households subsidizing the cost of coastal insurance through their policy premiums and policyholders repaying losses incurred in previous years.
The regulatory interventions had profound consequences for the structure of Florida's residential insurance market, resulting in a substantial rise in the market share of Citizens and the emergence of a new type of private "specialist" insurer in the state. As Dr. Taylor puts it, ‘re/insurers delicately threaded their case through multiple riskscapes—across the synthetic domain of risk modeling, the political calculus of state actors, and capital provider demands—in order to maintain a viable window for profitable underwriting.’ Furthermore, Florida’s risk is traded with participants across the globe, and by using catastrophe modeling as loaded dice, re/insurers have failed to realize significant enough catastrophic losses ‘to spark a true return to hard market conditions on which the sector thrives’.

Climate Gentrification in Miami

Due to the exceptional climate risk faced by Miami, property developers look to offset their risk through “resilience dividends” - property speculators are increasingly steering development to higher elevation, low-income communities, which is further accelerating the current trend of gentrification. Dr. Taylor’s research shows that these speculative climate risk management practices will meaningfully transform cities and housing geographies—and their ownership and affordability—long before rising seas permanently breach property lines.

Recently, scholars have focused on how ‘financialization, touristification, and studentification’ can facilitate gentrification and how these processes frequently intersect with public policies - statecraft and patterning of riskscapes. Climate gentrification cannot be attributed solely to climate risks, ecological interventions, or greening efforts. It is actually a broader process that amplifies existing patterns of gentrification. Gentrification has already been causing changes in disinvestment, displacement, activism, and other interventions in specific contexts for a long time.

Dr. Taylor’s research analyzes Climate Gentrification pressures using 3 important concepts - Rent Gap, Risk Rent, and Rent at Risk. The rent gap is the contrast between the current value of a piece of land and its potential future value if it is developed to its maximum capacity, often through improvements or upgrades. A key driving force of gentrification is the way in which investors perceive risks and prospects in the built environment, directing both the inflow and outflow of investment accordingly. For example, In Philadelphia, there may be an area near the University of Pennsylvania’s campus that has a lower land value because it is not being used to its full potential. However, if the University comes in and upgrades the buildings and infrastructure, the land value will increase as it is being used in a more profitable and productive way. This difference between the current lower land value and the potential higher land value is what is referred to as the rent gap. The developers can then charge higher rents for the improved buildings, which can lead to gentrification and displacement of the previous low-income residents.
The term "Risk rent" refers to the process of generating and obtaining new economic value based on climate risk. One example of this is the property insurance industry, where real estate climate risk is monetized through yearly premium payments made by policyholders. Catastrophe risk models and actuarial practices allow insurers and reinsurers to assign economic value to climate risk and charge policyholders accordingly as detailed in the Miami example above. On the other hand, Rent at Risk refers to the potential losses of rental income due to climate risks or their management, including increased capital and operating costs, direct property damage, and reduced demand for risky property markets.
Dr. Taylor uses the above mentioned concepts to analyze Climate Gentrification in Miami through 3 vignettes: The Gentrifying Uplands, The Citadel By the Sea, and The Still Simmering Suburbia.
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The upland areas of Greater Miami have become a central point of discussion in the analysis and debate of climate gentrification. Land bankers and property developers are purchasing property in higher elevation neighborhoods as a means of hedging against declining real estate values on the flood-prone coast. The coastal areas of Miami are seeing an influx in high-value developments despite the high climate risk - over 90 high-rise residential towers with 18000 units were completed in coastal Miami areas between 2015-17. The Greater Miami local governments are betting on the near-term influx of capital in coastal areas to finance ambitious climate adaptation projects using a “densify to defend” model. For example, the government is raising roads and installing anti flood pumps to its Miami Beach property tax base of over $34.4B afloat. Finally, a third form of climate gentrification related to insurance is happening in suburban areas, where rising residential insurance premiums are worsening the issue of affordability for homeowners. Wealthy people often self-insure, while tenants' insurance is limited in availability. In 2019, out of the total insured exposure of $2.5 trillion backed by the Florida Hurricane Catastrophe Fund, $2.1 trillion corresponded with residential policies, while only $23.4 billion was linked to tenants' policies. High insurance costs, which are exacerbated by the financial practices of reinsurers, are deepening affordability issues for mortgage-holding households. Twenty ZIP codes in Miami-Dade County with the concentration of cost-burdened, owner-occupied, and mortgage-holding households 50% above the countywide average have been identified. These ZIP codes are located in a semicircular arc between the gentrifying uplands and citadels by the sea to the Atlantic coast on the east and the Everglades to the west, and they are home to more than 40% of cost-burdened households, although just under one quarter of Miami-Dade County residents live in them.
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Conclusion

Although Climate Finance is increasingly gaining attention in policy discussions worldwide, it is dominated by large, profit-seeking financial institutions who operate through opaque decision-making processes and limited geographical scope, leading to consequences like Climate Gentrification. Dr. Taylor’s research provides novel frameworks for analyzing Climate Risk Management.

The impact of climate change has been particularly severe in coastal regions, where the rate of disasters has increased significantly. In response, stakeholders have been forced to adapt their approaches to climate risk management, often using novel methods. For example, catastrophe modeling has been used to increase rates for re/insurance, as the intensity and frequency of disasters have increased. Property speculators are increasingly moving away from low-lying areas to higher elevations, while governments are encouraging international investments in coastal regions to support the financing of sustainable adaptation projects.

Dr. Taylor's research focuses on the intersection of risk and landscapes, using the framework of Riskscapes to examine climate risk management. The Riskscapes framework has four key components: calculation and marketization across riskscapes, contending with inherited riskscapes, statecraft and the patterning of riskscapes, and accumulation through riskscapes. By examining Riskscapes through this framework, Dr. Taylor is able to provide novel insights into how climate risk management is evolving and the impact it is having on coastal cities.

In addition to examining the impact of climate risk management on coastal regions, Dr. Taylor's research also explores how these changes are permanently affecting the socio-economic landscape of cities and accelerating gentrification. He uses concepts such as Rent Gap, Risk Rent, and Rent at Risk to explain how the changing risk landscape is shaping urban development patterns and creating winners and losers. Overall, Dr. Taylor's research sheds light on the complex challenges posed by climate change and the need for innovative approaches to managing risk and supporting sustainable development.

My thoughts 

As a sophomore studying Computer Science and Finance, I’m fascinated by Financial Markets, especially Derivatives Markets, which are often algorithmically traded by large proprietary trading firms. Derivatives are financial contracts, whose prices are determined by the ‘underlying’ asset, and are often used as a means of hedging against risk or speculating by taking on risk in expectation of future rewards. For example, derivatives—like futures, options, forwards, swaps, etc—enable multinational companies to hedge against currency fluctuations, help energy producers to mitigate short-term price volatility and focus on infrastructure, and let farmers receive a guaranteed price for their future produce despite market disruptions.

Similarly, there exist Insurance-Linked Securities (ILS) that derive their value from underlying risk, such as a catastrophe event like a hurricane or an earthquake. Cat Bonds, a popular ILS, are often issued to investors to transfer risk from insurance firms/underwriters. Today, the ILS market is relatively nascent, relative to markets like oil and energy futures; only $1.6B of Cat Bonds were traded in Q4 2022 through 15 transactions; for perspective, hundreds of thousands of Crude Oil futures and thousands of Global Emissions Offset futures (carbon credits) are traded daily.

Climate change is accelerating the rate and severity of disasters, and consequently climate risk,  across the globe. Dr. Taylor’s research indicates that firms are coming up with innovative ways of offsetting climate risk —from sharply changing the parameters of catastrophe models and charging higher rates to shifting investments to higher elevation regions and extracting a “resilience dividend.” 
As the demand for hedging against climate and catastrophe risk accelerates globally, I believe this demand would lead to increased volume of transactions of catastrophe risk derivatives and perhaps even the creation of novel climate risk instruments that can be traded on exchanges.  

Dr. Taylor’s research also suggests that large financial firms currently hold the power to set the prices for re/insurances and do so through opaque, black-box models. However, if climate risk derivatives were to be traded in high volumes on public exchanges, this would lead to the efficient pricing of climate risk as determined by the market’s consensus. The Efficient Market Hypothesis suggests that an asset’s price on the market reflects all available information about the asset, and if there were to be a deviation from the fair price, the asset’s price would be pushed back to its fair value by arbitrageurs. Increased liquidity for climate risk derivatives on large exchanges could lower transaction costs, further enabling arbitrageurs to transact cheaply and fairly price these derivatives.

Coincidentally, the Netherlands is not only a leader in water management and climate risk but also one of the biggest players in institutional trading. Dutch trading firms like Optiver and Flow Traders provide liquidity by trading trillions of dollars worth of assets, including derivatives, annually. Therefore, it is possible that Dutch trading firms could emerge as leaders in providing liquidity for climate risk products. 

In conclusion, I believe that the accelerating climate change, and consequently the demand for climate risk management, can lead to the increase in trading volume and creation of climate risk derivatives which could be traded across the globe by risk hedgers and speculators. This could lead to the efficient and fair pricing of climate risk and overcome the opaque, black box practices in place today. 


Sources:
Zac J Taylor, Jessica L Weinkle, The riskscapes of re/insurance, Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, Volume 13, Issue 2, July 2020, Pages 405–422, https://doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsaa015
Zac J. Taylor & Manuel B. Aalbers (2022) Climate Gentrification: Risk, Rent, and Restructuring in Greater Miami, Annals of the American Association of Geographers, 112:6, 1685-1701, DOI: 10.1080/24694452.2021.2000358
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